“If you vote for me, you do
so with the distinct under¬
standing that I shall devote my
term to the upbuilding of the
public schools. I shall en¬
deavor for every child in
North Carolina to get an edu¬
cation." — Aycock.
HIS leadership of men: Be¬
cause he had dared defend Ihe
Negro's right to share in the
white man's taxes for education,
the idol of his party in 1900 had
become the target of a howling
and angry mob who threatened to
deny to the Governor of the State a
hearing on the stage, when the
Democratic State Convention met
at Greensboro in 1904. Pande¬
monium reigned, and a United
States Senator had vainly en¬
deavored to secure a hearing as the
Convention whistled, booed, cat¬
called and stamped in unison for
many minutes. Then Aycock
strode to the platform like a gladi¬
ator and held up his hand. He
awed his audience into silence, and
his opening words cut that silence
like the crack of a whip. The Con¬
vention thereafter sat in silence like
children chastised for misbehav¬
ior. It was the greatest tribute
any Carolina audience ever paid to
any man. The forces of reaction
and race hatred which, if victori¬
ous, might have dominated North
Carolina politics for a generation
were conquered in an hour. The
whole history of North Carolina
has been different because a North
Carolina liberal was also a match¬
less master of men.
A few years before this, the State
Democratic Executive Committee
had met in gloomy dejection.
Leader after leader expressed the
opinion that no course was open
but fusion with the populists. When
all had had their say Aycock arose.
Fusion might be expedient, but it
was not right and only the right
should be followed by the Demo¬
crats. There was no fusion.
His power as a lawyer: He ap¬
peared for the defense in a capital
case at Elizabeth City, where pub¬
lic feeling was inflamed to fever
heat against his client. No lawyer
could stem such a tide, not even
Aycock, and his client was con¬
victed. Aycock moved to set the
verdict aside.
William D. Pruden, then Solici¬
tor. was not only one of the ablest
lawyers of his district, but of the
state. He said he was utterly un¬
able to concentrate his mind on
his own argument, because he could
not help listening to Aycock, who
for more than an hour put up the
8
The
Great
Aycock
As long sis Nor III Caro-
linsi remains a slate, the
name off Chsirles B. Ay¬
cock will always be re-
vered for tlie onlstsinil-
ing service he rendered
lo education and oilier
worthy csinses.
Bij R. C. LAWRENCE
most brilliant legal argument he
had ever heard made by any man
in any court in any case. Mr. Pru¬
den said that when Aycock finished,
he slowly rose to his feet not
knowing with what words to under¬
take to answer him. Coming from
such a lawyer, this is more than a
mere tribute.
His gifts as an orator: The cam¬
paign of 1876 between Vance and
Settle is famous in Carolina his¬
tory; but that of 1892 between
Aycock. candidate for presidential
elector-at-large and Marion But¬
ler, resourceful debater, leader of
the Farmers Alliance, the “Samp¬
son Fox," was a matching of wits
quite as famous. When he was a
candidate for Governor he made
a hundred and ten speeches and
reached the entire electorate of the
state. His speech of acceptance.
his inaugural address, and his ac¬
count of his stewardship are clas¬
sics which should be known by
every school child. Any pantheon
of Carolina orators should include
Vance, Aycock, Claude Kitchin.
Charles D. Mclver, Edwin A.
Alderman and Thomas Dixon.
His courage: A Populist candi¬
date for Governor, who could not
answer Aycock on the stump
sought to do so with a knife, but
the assault no more frightened
Aycock than jail did Joe Turner.
Convinced that the Atlantic and
North Carolina Railroad receiver¬
ship was a fraud upon the Federal
jurisdiction, Aycock wired its
superintendent: “Put Receivers
out of office. If necessary call on
SherifT to put them out. If mili¬
tary is needed, notify me.”
He used troops to prevent
lynchings; he offered rewards ag¬
gregating §30,000 for the convic¬
tion of the lynchers. He favored
an election law “so fair that no
just man will oppose it.” When
the United States Supreme Court,
by a five to four decision, decided
the South Dakota suit against the
State, there was much talk of re¬
sisting the decision. But Aycock
said no; while he thought the de¬
cision wrong, none the less it must
be respected. The State paid the
judgment.
Born in Wayne County in 1859.
His gifts were such that at the
University he took both the Bing¬
ham medal for the best essay and
the Mangum medal for oratory.
Here he was graduated in 1880
and went to Goldsboro, where he
started his great educational
career by becoming Superintend¬
ent of Public Instruction for Wayne
County and entering into a law
partnership with Frank A. Daniels
— a partnership which continued
until 1909, when Aycock moved to
Raleigh and formed a partnership
with the brilliant Judge Robert W.
Winston. Carolina author and
litterateur.
Aycock became United States
District Attorney in 1893, but his
heart contained but two chambers:
Democracy and Education. He had
for years stumped the State in
every campaign, and was better
known to the common people than
any other man. In 1900 the reign
of Russelism was drawing to its
close, and from one end of the
state to the other rang the cry
for white supremacy. The Demo¬
cratic leaders determined to put
the negro out of politics for good,
and to that end what is known as
the "Grandfather Clause" was pro-
