Free ]\egro of
Ante-Bellum Days
llis position was anything hut an
enviable one. and in many in¬
stances members of his classifi¬
cation petitioned to he placed
hack into slavery again.
By EDGAR AKERIXETIIY
gro’s rights. Unscrupulous indi¬
viduals sometimes attempted to
seize such persons, carry them
off. and sell them as slaves. In
1799 this was made a felony pun¬
ishable by death, and in 1806 a
certain Micajah Johnson was sen¬
tenced to be hanged in Fayette-
Legal Restrictions
In 1790, when there were few¬
er than 5,000 such individuals in
the state, there were few legal
restrictions placed upon them, the
most important being inability to
appear as a witness against a
white person. This was a griev¬
ous disadvantage. It made kid¬
naping cases difficult to prove.
Debts could not be collected from
white debtors by legal process.
On numerous occasions free Ne¬
groes petitioned the legislature
for a law doing away with this
discrimination, but to no avail.
Certain towns, among them be¬
ing Wilmington, Washington,
Edenton, and Fayetteville, re¬
quired them to register with the
town clerk, and to wear a badge
upon the left shoulder, bearing
the word, “Free."
There was at least one statute
on the books specifically intended
for the protection of the free Ne¬
THE free Negro of ante-bellum
days occupied an unenviable
position in the South. In a sys¬
tem of society composed of white
freemen and black slaves, he was
an anomaly, a misfit, a hybrid
creature for whom there was no
place. His very existence made
slave discipline more difficult, for
it put ideas of freedom into the
minds of discontented slaves, and
made it possibly for runaways to
secure forged certificates and
claim to be free.
It is not surprising that the at¬
titude of the white man toward
these unfortunate persons was
one of suspicion and distrust, be¬
coming more so as slaves became
more valuable, free Negroes more
numerous, and agitation by Aboli¬
tionists more violent.
I
«VI
ville for selling a free Negro boy
in Virginia.
As free Negroes became more
numerous, and the slavery ques¬
tion more acute, the legislature
from time to time enacted laws
designed to prevent their increase,
and by degrees their rights as
citizens also were curtailed. Un¬
der a measure passed in 1795, im¬
migration from other states was
restricted, and laws passed in
1826 and 1830 forbade it entirely.
Courts Supervised Freedom
The right of a master to liber¬
ate a slave was likewise under
rigid legal control. Prior to 1830
all such transactions were under
the supervision of the county
courts; after that date this duty
was given to the superior courts.
The regulations under which they
acted were changed from time to
time, but one requirement was
constant: the consideration must
be “meritorious service." This
provision was often evaded. After
1830 it was also required that
freedmen leave the state within
ninety days, never to return.
The free Negro’s civil rights
were likewise progressively taken
away from him. In 1812 he was
forbidden to serve in the militia,
"except as a musician"; in 1826
a stringent vagrancy law was
passed, applicable only to him;
and two years later he was for¬
bidden to remain out of the state
more than ninety days, to marry
a slave, or to peddle without a
license. In 1831 he was forbidden
to preach in public, and in 1835
he lost the privilege of the ballot.
After 1840 he was no longer per¬
mitted to keep a gun without a
license, and a year later he lost
the benefits of the bankruptcy
laws. In 1844 his children were
barred from the common schools.
In 1860, when his numbers had
increased to 30,000, he was for¬
bidden to have the control or
hire of slaves. By this date condi¬
tions had become such that in
many cases slavery was prefer¬
able to freedom, and in that year
petitions began to reach the leg¬
islature from free Negroes ask¬
ing for the privilege of enslaving
themselves “in order to improve
their social standing."
Right of Habeas Corpus
It should be noted, however,
that even at this late date, they
still had the rights of habeas
corpus, trial by jury, and owner-