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88
The clear lines of all the various
organizations began to blur by the time of
the election as the oft- repeated specter of
black violence created within the city an
edgy armed camp. Some of the highest
ranking Democratic Party leaders in the
county lost sight of some peripheral
activities because, as Rountree admitted,
they were “ busy in other activities.” 54 As
spokesman for the Democrats, Waddell
proclaimed in late October that “ we are
going to protect our firesides and our loved
ones or we will die in the attempt.” 55
For the purposes of organized
protection for homes, women, and children,
white leaders divided the city into sections
along ward lines. Following military chain
of command structures, a man was then
selected to serve as ward captain in each of
the five wards. Hayden indicated that two
of the Secret Nine, E. S. Lathrop and P. B.
Manning, were established as contacts for
the ward captains to communicate with other
leaders unknown to the captains. Further,
each ward captain selected a lieutenant to
command individual blocks. Lieutenants
reported daily to the ward captain the
number of armed men they represented and
the numbers of women, children, and
invalids that would need protection. The
lieutenants then received orders to organize
the men of each block for regular patrols.
An outsider commented that the city “ might
have been preparing for a siege instead of an
election” because men of all backgrounds
had “ brushed aside the great principles that
divide parties and individuals and stood
together as one man.” 56 One method used
54 Rountree, “ Memorandum.”
55 Wilmington Messenger, October 29, 1898.
56 It is unclear as to when the patrols began. James
Cowan, editor of the Wilmington Dispatch, claimed
that the patrols took place for a year, but most other
accounts indicate that the patrols began in the period
immediately preceding the election. In August, a
correspondent of the News and Observer visited the
city to investigate claims of “ negro domination” and
by the Citizen’s Patrol for identification was
a white handkerchief tied to the left arm. 57
Democratic leader Thomas W. Strange
wrote to Benehan Cameron of Durham that
the city was “ like an armed camp” because
of nightly street patrols. 58 A reporter for the
Richmond Times visited the city just before
the election and attended a meeting at the
home of “ a leading citizen” who was
involved in a conference with ward captains.
The reporter explained that the men, some of
whom were Confederate veterans, had
“ every detail arranged” and were not “ hot-headed
boys” but, instead, “ the most
prominent men in the city who have
resolved that there shall be no further negro
rule.” The reporter took pains to point out
the differences between the organized
discovered “ murmurings” of Vigilance Committees
at that early stage. Chief of Police Melton testified
that guns were carried on the street during the
campaign and that armed men were posted on every
corner in the city all night for a few days before the
election. Hayden, WLI, 66, 70; Thomas Clawson,
“ The Wilmington Race Riot in 1898, Recollections
and Memories” Louis T. Moore Papers, State
Archives, Office of Archives and History, Raleigh;
“ Minutes of the Organizational Meeting of the
Association of Members of the Wilmington Light
Infantry,” December 14, 1905, North Carolina
Collection, University of North Carolina Library,
Chapel Hill; Henry West, “ The Race War in North
Carolina,” The Forum, January 1899, 579; Daniels,
Editor in Politics, 285; Jim Worth to Josephine,
November 16, 1898, James Spencer Worth Papers,
Southern Historical Collection,; Contested Election
Case, 360; James Cowan, “ The Wilmington Race
Riot.”
57 Jack Metts, November 9, 1898, Hinsdale Papers,
Duke University Library, Durham.
58 Historian Jerome McDuffie observed that the
Vigilance Committee was associated mainly with
leading businessmen and property owners, resulting
in less white supremacy rhetoric. Further, he noted
that they did not hold rallies, openly brandish
weapons to intimidate, and that discussions of this
group were “ tempered” with a degree of “ moderate
paternalism.” McDuffie, “ Politics in Wilmington, “
621; Thomas Strange to Benehan Cameron,
November 16, 1898, Benehan Cameron Papers,
Southern Historical Collection.
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| Title | 1898 Wilmington race riot report - Page 109 |
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| Full Text | 88 The clear lines of all the various organizations began to blur by the time of the election as the oft- repeated specter of black violence created within the city an edgy armed camp. Some of the highest ranking Democratic Party leaders in the county lost sight of some peripheral activities because, as Rountree admitted, they were “ busy in other activities.” 54 As spokesman for the Democrats, Waddell proclaimed in late October that “ we are going to protect our firesides and our loved ones or we will die in the attempt.” 55 For the purposes of organized protection for homes, women, and children, white leaders divided the city into sections along ward lines. Following military chain of command structures, a man was then selected to serve as ward captain in each of the five wards. Hayden indicated that two of the Secret Nine, E. S. Lathrop and P. B. Manning, were established as contacts for the ward captains to communicate with other leaders unknown to the captains. Further, each ward captain selected a lieutenant to command individual blocks. Lieutenants reported daily to the ward captain the number of armed men they represented and the numbers of women, children, and invalids that would need protection. The lieutenants then received orders to organize the men of each block for regular patrols. An outsider commented that the city “ might have been preparing for a siege instead of an election” because men of all backgrounds had “ brushed aside the great principles that divide parties and individuals and stood together as one man.” 56 One method used 54 Rountree, “ Memorandum.” 55 Wilmington Messenger, October 29, 1898. 56 It is unclear as to when the patrols began. James Cowan, editor of the Wilmington Dispatch, claimed that the patrols took place for a year, but most other accounts indicate that the patrols began in the period immediately preceding the election. In August, a correspondent of the News and Observer visited the city to investigate claims of “ negro domination” and by the Citizen’s Patrol for identification was a white handkerchief tied to the left arm. 57 Democratic leader Thomas W. Strange wrote to Benehan Cameron of Durham that the city was “ like an armed camp” because of nightly street patrols. 58 A reporter for the Richmond Times visited the city just before the election and attended a meeting at the home of “ a leading citizen” who was involved in a conference with ward captains. The reporter explained that the men, some of whom were Confederate veterans, had “ every detail arranged” and were not “ hot-headed boys” but, instead, “ the most prominent men in the city who have resolved that there shall be no further negro rule.” The reporter took pains to point out the differences between the organized discovered “ murmurings” of Vigilance Committees at that early stage. Chief of Police Melton testified that guns were carried on the street during the campaign and that armed men were posted on every corner in the city all night for a few days before the election. Hayden, WLI, 66, 70; Thomas Clawson, “ The Wilmington Race Riot in 1898, Recollections and Memories” Louis T. Moore Papers, State Archives, Office of Archives and History, Raleigh; “ Minutes of the Organizational Meeting of the Association of Members of the Wilmington Light Infantry,” December 14, 1905, North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill; Henry West, “ The Race War in North Carolina,” The Forum, January 1899, 579; Daniels, Editor in Politics, 285; Jim Worth to Josephine, November 16, 1898, James Spencer Worth Papers, Southern Historical Collection,; Contested Election Case, 360; James Cowan, “ The Wilmington Race Riot.” 57 Jack Metts, November 9, 1898, Hinsdale Papers, Duke University Library, Durham. 58 Historian Jerome McDuffie observed that the Vigilance Committee was associated mainly with leading businessmen and property owners, resulting in less white supremacy rhetoric. Further, he noted that they did not hold rallies, openly brandish weapons to intimidate, and that discussions of this group were “ tempered” with a degree of “ moderate paternalism.” McDuffie, “ Politics in Wilmington, “ 621; Thomas Strange to Benehan Cameron, November 16, 1898, Benehan Cameron Papers, Southern Historical Collection. |
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