on the proposition to change the constitu tion by legislative enactment so as lo ex f(n to rote rs for members of the house 0f commons the right to vole for mem bers tf the senate in the house of commons dec valh and 20th 1850 the majority of the committee to vhom the subject had been referred hav | ng reported a bill to change the constitu tion hv legislative enactment so as to ex : tend to all voters for members of the | house ol commons the right to vote for members of the senate and mr ray ner having ottered a substitute a bill to pro vide tor taking the sense of the people of the state on the proposed change of the constitution and for calling a convention limited to that one object and to no other jn case a majority of the people of the state should vote in favor of it — the ques tion coming up on substituting mr ray per's bill for the bill of the committee mr ii spoke as follows mr rayner said he heartily concurred with what had been declared by other gentlemen who had addressed the house in regard to the solemnity and importance of the work on which the house was en gaged we are said mr r employed jn no ordinary work of legislation the usual work of legislative duty here can be as easily undone as done the people jjare but to pass on our acts and if they do not approve our successors can at the end of two short years reverse our actio.i jjut in the serious business of changing one of the provisions of our fundamental law under which our fathers lived and un der which we have lived so securely and happily the case is entirely different — our present action is intended for a long distant future — it is to affect the very frame work of our social organization — it is to operate for good or for evil upon our posterity after we shall all have left this busy theatre and our very names be for gotten serious and imposing then and fraught with the most momentous conse quences is the work in which we are now engaged and heavy indeed is the respon sibility which rests upon us all 1 am decidedly opposed to amending the constitution by legislative enactment 1 admit the amended constitution of 1835 provides for further amendments by the legislature but 1 think that a proper in icrprel i\\tm of that provision and one most in accordance with the theory of our in stitutions should confine such amendments tothe exceptions just alluded to those exceptions are such as involve mere con venience of opinion in regard to the ne cessity of some slight change in the mere machinery of the government — and when there is no great vital principle ofthe or ganic law involved for instance if it should be found by experience that in or der lo avoid the inconvenience ol a tie in the senate and for the prompt organiza tion of that body the ollice of lieutenant governor should be established in this state hen il would not only be more con venient but eminently proper that the change should be effected by legislative enactment so in regard to allowing any one member to have the ayes and noes recorded in the journal — if this should be found to work an inconvenience and a use less waste of time and it should by some ihing like a general concurrence be con sidered best to limit this to the call of one fifth as in most other legislative bodies i the change could and ought to be made j by legislative provision in both of the cases put no great principle of popular rights or of free government would be in vaded — there would be nothing involved in the change conflicting with the settled habits o the people nothing violative of [ the great principles which constitute the basis of the political fabric not so how ever in regard to those cardinal elements j of our civil polity which never have been apart and parcel of our social system — j not so in regard to questions which af fect the rights of the citizens which strike at the source and fountain of power — this view of the subject seems to be in ac cordance with the history of the conven tion of 1s.'>5 an examination of lhe de bates of that body will show that the dis | anguished men who composed it looked j upon the compromises therein agreed up i has a final settlement of the distracting questions and sectional jealousies which had for years disturbed lhe councils j of the state all the grievances then j complained of were considered to have | been settled no new element of disqui et either of sectional interest or of popu lar privilege seemed to be contemplated for lhe next half century read the de bates of the convention and you will see that it was with these cheering hopes that j l'»e members of that body terminated their i labors how then are we to understand provision ofthe constitution providing for amendments by the legislature — hy that it was intended to provide for hose immaterial changes of the mere ma chinery ofthe government without inter fering with any great principle on which 11 was based h was alter tins provision ! dad been agreed on in committee of the wbole if recollect aright that the able and lamented meares moved the addition a provision which was also adopted pro i v'dingthat no convention should be called except by a vote of two thirds of all the ; temhers of both houses what are we '• 0 understand by this — but that he who i it and the convention that adopted j that at some future time an at ' tempt might be made not merely to im i prove the machinery of tlie government but to change its organic principles which j could only he done properly by the people j in convention — through a vote of a bare i majority of the two houses little did ; that convention suppose that in fifteen j years their foresight and wisdom would be j brought to the test of trial am i not therefore warranted in saying j that this attempt to change one of the great fundamental principles of the con l stit.tion by legislative action is not only i contrary tothe spirit and purpose of the i provision of the convention of 35 in re gard to amending the constitution — but i that it i.s also repugnant to the very theo ry of the government itself the very first great cardinal maxim of free and re presentative government laid down in the declaration of rights which is declared to be a part of the constitution is this i that all political power is vested in and j derived from the people only here is a j great question of political power affecting i for all time those from whom we derive j our brief tenure of authority with which j we cannot rightfully interlere except by making provision to consult those whose servants we are with which we were not sent here to interfere and with which we j dare not interfere unless we assume to j ourselves a prerogative which the people have reserved to themselves this assu ming to know what are the people's rights better than they do themselves although resting on the affectation of great love for lhe people is anti-republican and contra ry to the doctrine of constitutional free dom this doling out favors to the peo ple by piece-meal is constituting ourselves their masters instead of their servants the gentleman from burke mr avery said that it was evident the convention of 35 intended that all specific amendments not involving an entire overthrow of the organic law should be by legislative en actment the proposed change docs in volve a radical alteration of the organic law in one particular what is more im portant what more safely guarded what more intimately interwoven with the frame-work of civil liberty than the ques tion of suffrage ? and the change con templated proposes an entire abandon ment of a system that has been commen surate with our history as a people under which the glorious deeds of our revolu tionary history were achieved under which the people have lived contented and happy which was never heard of in lhe catalogue of complaints to redress which the convention of 35 was called or did the gentleman from burke mean lhat the provision in the constitution for calling a convention was not designed fur an amend ment of the constitution but for the fram ing of an entire new one to suit a new system of government upon an entire over throw of the present republican form if so a moment's reflection will teach the gentleman the absurdity of his position such an overthrow as he speaks of could be nothing but revolutionary which dis regards constitutions as well as ordinary laws an amendment of a constitution pre-supposes that the great principles which constitute its organic existence are to remain unchanged " an entire over throw ofthe organic law for which the j gentleman from burke thinks the provi j sion fbr calling a convention was design | ed would involve an overthrow of that \ very provision as well as all others and \ would throw us back upon the original j elements of social organization and be j ing revolutionary in its nature would not i be likely to regard the barriers against the | popular will by requiring a vote of two thirds another objection to changing the con j stitution by legislative enactment is its great convenience which will render it j habitual and thus destroy the confidence ; of the people in the stability of iheir in stitutions this is the trying ordeal | through which the people of the several j states of this union are now passing and | from destructive evils of which nothing but the conservative cohesive character | of anglo saxon institutions can preserve them constitutions or rather the ele mentary principles of constitutions should be permanent i am one of those who j have no faith in the adaptability of cer : tain defined fundamental principles of what is commonly termed liberty to the j wants and conditions of any and every ! people france for the last sixty years j has given us the best practical illustra tion of the utopianism of constitutional j tinkers the best constitution for any j people is that which secures most happi j ness to the citizen consistently with the i power of the government to make itself j respected and to preserve its stability — when the great athenian law-giver was j asked if he had given his countrymen the i best possible system of laws he answer | ed that they were the best athenian people 1 were then capable of enjoying the bless ings of solon showed his wisdom as much by adapting his laws to the pecu j liar wants and conditions of his country men as in the intrinsic excellence of the laws themselves where any people are sufficiently enlightened or where its en joyment has accustomed them to its bless ings civil liberty will of course enter more largely into their happiness than | any other element of government and when a constitution secures this the only change to which the people should accus tom themselves to look is a mere adap tation of its machinery to the wants and developments ofthe age in this lies the strength and power and harmonious work ing of the english constitution from \ 1gss to the present time its great cardi nal landmarks and elementary principles have in the main continued the same ll has from time to time been merely modi j lied to adapt it to the exigencies of the ! spirit of the age and only then with the | most extreme caution and deliberation i nothing is better proven by experience j than that permanence and stability are j necessary in order to secure the affection j of the people for the government and to j insure peace and quiet and contentment | in the community industry and enter prise have no stimulus to exertion with i out it all the impulses of a patriotic j ambition all the high and noble incentives j to professional fame to scientific and lit i erary renown all social ties of kindred i and home best flourish and prosper under j the consciousness of stability and firmness i in the institutions under which we live | consequently the public mind instead of j being accustomed to look to constant changes in their fundamental law as the panacea for every temporary ill should j rather view wilh jealousy every attempt j lo unsettle its lor.g established principles i and if as in our case it be the work ofi an illustrious ancestry instead of being derided for its antiquity it should be ven erated on account of the associations which marked its formation i fear if we now set the precedent of changing the constitution by legislative provision that i the character which north carolina has so long enjoyed for conservatism and sta bility — will be gone forever fault find ing is one of the commonest ingredients in man's nature every moral social and political evil will be traced to some de fect in the organic law — the general as sembly instead of attending to the duties for which they were chosen and of striv ing to promote the honor and character of the state will be session after session engaged in solving constitutional prob lems and endeavoring to show how much wiser they are than were our fathers — until that venerated instrument which has so long been our boast and pride will have finally disappeared forever i suppose i need scarcely insist on what will be admitted on all bands that all changes or modifications of the fundamen tal law should be free from the baneful influences ot party-spirit in such a work of wisdom as that of making or revising a constitution under which posterity is to live the minds of those engaged in it should be divested of not only partisan jealousy and bitterness but of all those other distracting and unhappy associa tions which must necessarily attach to those selected for the business of ordinary legislation the various questions of a local character the agitating subjects of state policy the conflicting interests of rival sections together with all the other exciting elements that enter into the ordi nary contests of the hustings are calcu lated to disturb that spirit of harmony and compromise and to prevent that calm and dispassionate consideration so absolutely necessary in aiiixing the land-marks of the constitution this is a matter better understood by the great body of our peo ple than some gentlemen seem to sup pose call a convention to revise the constitution and delegates will be selec ted with an especial view to that object : alone men will be selected with refer j ence to their wisdom their experience | their patriotism can this be expected of an ordinary legislature agitate any question of constitutional amendment as much as you may and yet can you ex | pect the elections to turn upon it alone j in these times of high party excitement j can you expect a legislature that will j readily sacrifice party allegiance to the j public good ? in most of the counties the election of members of the general assembly turns upon party politics — in some upon questions of state improve ment can you expect a legislature thus elected to reflect the popular voice upon i an abstract question of constitutional re j form ? this method then of amending j the constitution by legislative enactment j is not only anti-republican inasmuch as it is calculated to prevent a fair expres sion of the popular will but the very in fluences which usually prevail in the elec tions of members are calculated to pre vent that calm unbiassed and patriotic action requisite in so important a work i do not wish to allude to the circumstances under which this proposed amendment of lhe j constitution first came to be agitated or lo the j influences which have thus far marked iis pro | jrress—lesl i might be considered bj some as violating that rule which i have laid down for myself oot to introduce party in this discussion i indulge in no partisan crimination when i say that the history ofthe agitation of this sub ject is calculaied lo alarm every conservative \ north carolinian more especially if the pro | ject now on foot succeeds violent as have j heen our party contests heretofore yet the con stitution has escaped the contagion wiih one | accord we had all agreed lo leave to popular opinion and the developments of time she reg ulation of the organic law the provision complained of had existed without complaint ; ever since the first establishment of free go vernment among us the people were satis fied wiih it no demand for change proceeded from them but in a healed political canvass | one of our candidates for governor in this state j nominated by a party convenlion as the organ ; and exponent of a pariizan creed introduces i ihis new weapon ol political warfare the j people are told lhat iheir revolutionary fathers in pretending to frame for them a system ol free government had cheated and deceived , them that jealousy on account of power no mailer for what good reasons withheld which is a slrikiii characteristic of man is appealed ; to and lhe people of all sections and all par ties are called on lo rally around the poor , man's friend.1 and because he who was lhe ! hero of ihis movement has n ing lo a peculiar train of circumslances been finally elected we are now called on in lhe common parlance of lhe lime to carry out the popular will by the way do not gentlemen of the dominant party here see the absurdity of iheir position in one breath they leli us that the gubernatorial election in this stale turned upon this question ; and say that is a reason why we should make the change and ihen again we have it said and echoed by lhe parly press lhal ihe election '. was the result of a change in the puldic mind in regard lo parly politics — and hence they j claim it as a parly triumph bul it is not on j account of lhe parly relations of this question \ that 1 look on il wiih such misgiving it is the precedent likely io be set by it ourconstitu lion is to become the mere loot-ball of party constitutions are limitations upon those exer cising power in republican governments the i people put restraints upon themselves every j one knows how easy a mailer it is by appeal ing to the weak and lhe bad passions of man's j nature lo make generaiion dissatisfied with lhe limitations a preceding one may have put on their exercise of power this has been the j business of demagogues from lhe days of lhe j gracchi 10 lhe present time if we counten ance this attempt lo make the constitution the 1 mere stalking-horse of party wheie is lhe mat j ter to end as soon as this question shall have answered iis ends some oiher solomon will discover lhal the people have for 75 years been sleeping over other grievous wrongs — and just as often as lhe ordinary appliances of party can not avail for success seme oiher pro vision of ihe constitution will be held up as lhe relic of feudal tyranny or some new amend ment proposed as a cure lor all social ills — carry oul this movement by legislative enact ment and a horde of demagogues will overrun the land yes lhat pestiferous brood — whose calling ever is to delude the unwary for their own selfish ends ever now keep in retirement many ofthe best and purest patriots in the land bui consummate this measure in lhe spirit in which it was commenced and the reign of these harpies will hear become interminable there is a palpable inconsistency in the pur poses professed by those who favor this amend ment of the constitution by legislative enact ment and lhe means by which they propose to accomplish their purpose this extension of the right to vote for senators lo all qualified to vote in lhe commons is advocated as a great principle of popular liberty if this really be so — if this is a privilege which the people have a right lo demand — and lhe wiiholding which is in conflict with republican institutions — then of course the change should be made as speed ily as the frame work of our government will possibly admit of if the ireemen ol the slate hive through either the design or lhe over sight of those who have heretofore been en trusted wilh the modeling or remodeling of lhe organic law been defrauded of iheir rights then in the name of liberty in the name ofjus lice repair lhe wrong at the earliest possible day yes at the earliest possible hour by the method proposed how long will it be before the people oblain their rights ? in the firsi place lhe proposition must oblain lhe voles of three fifths of lhe whole number of bolh houses at this session suppose it to receive this vole j now which is a nuttier of very considerable j doubt it must again be submitted to the next i legislature and must ihen receive two thirds of the whole number ol lhe members of bolh j houses and must still further be ratified by a i majority of all these hazards and all ibis delay i even supposing it pass safely through such a trying ordeal this great and precious boon j which the professed advocates of popular rights j altect to have so much at heart can not even j under the most favorable circumstances heen joyed before 1s54 if we are lo wait/or the ; slow and tedious process of amending the con stitution by legislative enactment whereas j by the passage of my bill the people will be j first consulted and lhat wiihin a few months j as to whether they desire the change ; their j delegates will soon assemble and it will re j quire but three or lour days to make the alter , ation ; the matter will be accomplished and at the very next election for members ol the genera assembly in 1652 all persons will alike vole in bolh senate and commons — in stead of having to wait till 1354 why sir if this be a matter of as much importance as some genilemen pretend ihen i say they are trifling with the people mocking aud insulting hem.°lhjs to dally wilh them and subject to such risk and delay their rights as freemen we are told the people will have lime lo re fleet and pass on this question in the next elec j tion for members of the legislature and the j genlleman irom burke mr avery asks what i fs the difference betwixt consulting the people i then and consulting them now for says he lhe people can ihen elect iheir representatives j with reference to their views on this subject j how can gentlemen use such an argument as j this when ihey see lhat year after year j our elections turn mainly upon party poli tics and not on questions of state policy this is one of my strongest objections to a mending the constitution by the legislature you cannot obtain a reflexion of public opin ion upon the merit of any specific proposition : because there are so many other more exciting elements that enter into ihe contest parly politics internal improvements peculiar views in regard to southern rights and numberless questions of a local nature are calculated to di verl lhe public mind from one isolated ques lion how liule will the public mind ot this stale be prepared to decide upon a great ques tion of constitutional reform at the polls in 185 we shall then be in the excitement and confusion of a presidential election ; our minds thoroughly agitated and inflamed by all i lhe issues involved in such a coolest is il rea \ sonable to suppose under such circumstances that we are likely to ohiain the quiet ar.d re flective judgment of the public mind on lhe , question of iree suffrage .' bul pass my bill — and call upon lhe people lo elect delegates t make the proper change in lhe constitution ; and ihere will he bul one naked question pie ; sented lor consideration uncumbered and uu j trammelled by any conflicting issues the public decision can not be mistaken lor il wiil be narrowed down lo but one object and of all questions on which the representatives ot any people are called on lo pass that of amend i ing their constitution should be in accord;nice with the unprejudiced judgment ot the popu;ar mind the gentleman from burke mr avery ; says lhat ihose who support mv amendment are i evidently opposed lo free suffrage thai the ■ gentleman merely assumes lo l>e so : hut if it wete irue lhe being reminded of it is no ar gument against the propriety of my bill so far : as regards the choice betwixt my biii and lhe ■ bill brfiire the house it is not lhe merits of iree suffrage lhat is in issue — but the question | is shall this legislature undertake to decide upon what sort of a constitution the people need or shall we consult the people as to what i sort of a constitution they desire the ques i tion is shall the legislature from lime io time i dole out privileges to the people or shall we j make the legal provision for lhe people lo elect j their own delegates lo make effective iheir own will suppose it to be trne as suggested by lhe gentleman from burke ihat land i lose j j who concur with me are opposed lo iree sut frage — yet how much heller friends to popular freedom do we show ourselves lo be ihan he and ihose who act wiih him ! we are oppos ed to free suffrage as assumed by lhe gentle man in principle ; bin yet recognising ibis as a free government where lhe people have a . right lo alter iheir insliiutions if they desire it we are willing to consult the people lo leave the decision of this mailer to ikem and if they decide against us we are willing to submit — but lhe gentleman and those who agree wilh him are in favor of free suffrage — they desire to see lhe change made — but ihey not willing to leave it to the people ; being in favor of it and being members of lhe legislature ihey insist on carrying out their own wishes with out first asceilaining whether it will be agree able to the people or not i am not in the babil of dealing in professions of great love for . lhe people and am now led lo make these re j marks in reply to what we have so often heard here about lhe people's rights being wilheld from them now let lhe genlleman irom burke re flect and consider who is the greatest triend lo the people — he who is for carrying oul his views wilhout consulting lhe people or i who am willing lo submit the question to lhe people , and lo acquiesce if they decide against me ? as to my own individual opinions in regard to the merits of free suffrage as an isolated question i have no hesitation in avowing them although that has nothing to do with the ques lion now under consideration it this were an original question il we were now engaged in making a new constitution i should not object lo the principle of free suffrage i do not be lieve that the senate is any more conservative in iis character by virtue of lhe election ol its members by the fifty acre iree holders — aliho it was no doubt so designed lo be by those i who originally made lbe constitution my ob jection lo miking lhe change now is first be cause of the circumstances under which il was first brought forward il was introduced as an plement of party strife lo prop up a minor ily parly and a weak candidate and il we yield to the behest of parly lhat which should j have heen demanded by public opinion in or der to entitle il lo respect : we sel a precedent the evil consequences of which no one can foresee it we yield now to the clamor ol parly rage we are but encouraging every de i magogue in the land who may herealter at ! tempi to divert the public mind from lhe party j issues of lhe dav by preseniing himself as lhe i great champion of ihe const ituiiooal reform — i absta principiis should he our motto when j the progress of mind and the developments of lime prove some change in the fundamental i law io be necessary and lhat change is de j manded bv a conservative and paliiolic puhiic j opinion every friend of republican government j should quietly yield if he cannot conscien | liously concur but when an effort is made to \ make lhe organic law lhe mere plaything of 1 faction to identify great questions of conslitu j lional law with the discords aod tumults of par ly strife every triend of liberty should re.-ist it at the threshold the evil is not so much in the change itself as in the temptations of fered for slid more violent and radical reforms il is cheapening lhe coiisiiluiioii lo allow it to become an element of party i object lo ihis change al this lime in lhe second place be cause it is entirely delusive in its cbaracier — il affects io beslow equal privileges on all when in fact il does no such ihing in what consists lhe value of the right of suffrage ? it is not the mere privilege ot depositing in lhe | ! ballot-box a strip of paper with the name of i a or b or c on it tba of itself confers no j substantial power and but for the res ills that i are to follow is a mere idle and unmeaning i ceremony the value ol he right of suffrage | does not consist in voting for a lo please a i friend or in voting against b lo spile an ene i my that would he converting a high and so lemn duly into the mere gratification ot piivale feeling the real value and imporiance of the right of suffrage consists in the exlenl of tbe power exercised in selecting those who are lo ' control lhe government and to direct iis opera ! tions suffrage then lo be uniformly equal ; musi be so regulated as to give every voter in \ ihe state an equal power in the government ol lhe stale al least in iis legislative branch — i will free suffrage do this certainly not suppose you allow e*ery man to vote in ihe senate does lhat make every man's power equally fell in the senate ? certainly not in | the county of hertford some 600 men would ! elect a senator il equality ol power is wbal \ you desire by free suffrage are not every goo ; men in guilford also emiiled to elecl a sem ! tor and in the latter county it will require some 2500 men lo elect a senator it is not perleclly apparent then that all ibis talk aboul free suffrage is noi to give any man more real power in lhe government than he has now bul to delude lbe ignorant wiih lbe idea ibat ihe right of suffrage has answered all iis ends when a slip of paper has been deposited in lhe ballot-box by which a friend bas been grati fied or an enemy punished or the purp es of parly been accomplished ? sir il is an insult lo lhe understanding of lhe people il is a mock ery of ibeir privileges it is a slur at free gov ernment itself lo suppose lhat the people look upon lhe right of suffrage not as a great privi lege secured lo ihem by iheir father by which iheir influence in ihe government is fell — bul as consisting in lbe mete ceremonial of the baliui box and lhe indulgence of personal feel ing my bill is objected lo by some because it proposes lo limit lhe action of the convention it called lo lbe sole object ot amending lbe constitution so as to extend lo ail voters in lha commons the right to vole for senators and we have been told that such a limit at ion is based on a ui-ttust of lhe people who have ihe right io ir.uiie iheir fundamental law just as ihey desire this inference is by no means a legitimate one i admit lhe people ol north carolina have the light to amend their consli lulion as ihey wish provided ii is left republi can in its character : but ihen the legisla ture on whom devolves the duty of taking the initiatory steps of providing fbr lhe legal and constitution i assemblage ot a convenlion of lhe people should follow rather than atlempl lo lead public opinion n all questions of con stilutional reform 1 mean of course in ref erence lo those greal cardinal principles of popular government which appertain to lhe na lure of free institutions — and not lo those slight and immaterial changes which lime and expe rience have proven lo be necessary in carry ing on lbe mere machinery of lhe government which as i have already said it was the de sign of lhe convenlion of 1835 lo leave lo legislative enactments the limitation con lemplated by my bill is noi imposed on lhe people by lhe legislalure as contended for by some ; my bill simply ptoposes lo put the ques tion to lbe people whether ihey will themselves call a convenlion limited to ihis one object if the people call the convenlion tfuy impose lhe limitation and not we but it is asked why noi consult lhe people as lo whelher ihey de sire a convention without limitation for lhe reason that ihis question of tree suffrage as it is called is the only one which has been gen erally'agitaled and on which the public mind has been generally excited i presume it will he admitted by all lhal it is not the part of wisdom for lhe legislalure to put itself in ad vance of popular opinion on lhe greal question of constitutional reform it is a very easy mailer for agitators and mischief makers lo in flame the public mind and to render people dis satisfied with tbe instituiions under which ihey live if lhe people are wronged they are apt to find it out soon enough 1 do not think any one on ibis floor can say conscientiously ihat there is any other great question ol const hu liona amendment lhal has been sufficiently agitated as o leave it doubtful whether a ma jorily ol the people of ihe slate desire a change i dare say there are many questions on which active politicians might produce discontent and lhe desire of change ; bul " sufficient unlo lhe day is lhe evil ihereof on oiher questions lhe popular mind is now quiet and i for one am not disposed o disturb it on ibis ques tion of free ut].age lhe public mind has been agitated il is doubtful on which side lhe major iiy inclines and i a:n willing lo leave i's deci sion lo lhe tribunal oft be ballot-box i occupy the true republican platform on this question i shail not attempt lo lead public opinion in re gard to altering lbe constitution ; neither will i atlempl lo carry o my view regardless ol ihn wish of the people ; but i am willing lo leave ihis mailer to them and no matter what may be my view as an individual yet i am willing lo submit lo lhe decision of lhe majority of the people conclude nexi ire tie missouri vs thi nash ville cox vention the substance ol certain resolutions recent ly passed by the legi-iature of missouri con demnatory of the nashville convention and its proceeding was briefly stated in a para graph copied into ihis paper a day or two ago since then we have received a copy of the re solves as follows : resolved that in ihe opinion of this house ihe practice of convening such bodies as the lale nashville convenii in is dangerous in iis tendencies calculated lo f ier sectional jeal nusies and to weaken the bond of the union the people of miss iri wi co-operate with no organized b dy be ii north or south lbe ap parent objeci of which may be to foment na tional discord lo alienate one portion of ihe confederacy from anolher or to diminish the veneration of lhe people lor lhe union of lhe stales resedred thai the house emphatically de nies the doctrine of secession a maintained by southern statesmen and dissent from the resolution of lhe nashville convention as en closed to his excellency the governor by the hon c j mcdonald ofgeorjfia and ihe go vernor is respectfully requested lo reiurn lhe resolutions to mr mcdonald with a copy of these resolutions mr whits appointments we have been requested lo give the follow lowing a a list of appointments of philip s while esq in hi visit lo lhe different divis ions ofthe sons of temperance in iln section of the siate mr white is an able lecturer and is rendering lhe cause of temperance effi cienl service at rocky river on the 10:h of april at philadelphia on lhe 11th " at charlotte on lhe 12ih •• al davidson college on the 14th " at hopewell on the 15th " at dallas on the 16th " at lincolnton on the 17th charlotte journal deep water ur a d bache ol ihe u s coast survey says lhal lt goldsborougb i . s navy during lhe passage from the rio 6 janeiro to cape of good hope made sound in"s lo tin depth of three and a half miles .' and brought up boiiom the sounding apparalus was a 32 pound shot attached to a line strong ; enough to bear six'y pounds weight fekms oi tbe carolina watcdman i,per year two dollars payable in not paid in advance two dollars ty cents will be charged i mi vim inserted at 1 for the first and cis equeni insertion court orders charged ,, nt higher than these rales a liberal de i to those who advertise by the year lo the editor must be post paid speech of jir rayj-er of hertford the carolina watchman j j bruner ) > " !____ a cnece upon m your editor 4 proprietor ) rulers ( new series do this and liberty is safe < gen i harrison ( volume vii nl'mcer 48 salisbury n c thursday april 3 1851